Question marks over the Government’s happiness agenda
There is more to well-being than a large income. A trivial insight, maybe, but enough for the Government to launch a project into how happiness can be measured. The aim is to go beyond mere economic measures, such as GDP per capita, to include subjective evaluations about peoples’ satisfaction with the lives they lead.
The idea prompted some scoffing from those who suggested it was a useless enterprise. To counter the sceptics, David Cameron said the goal was not to present an all-in-one definitive index, but a wider range of indicators that could be used intelligently to make a better assessment of how people live in the UK. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) was instructed to run a large-scale consultation designed “to develop measures based on what people tell us matters most.”
The consultation took place, and thousands of people responded to the online questionnaire or visited public debates to offer their views. It sounds like a real success story with a lot of input that that the ONS can now use to develop the best possible indicators.
But some concerns need to be raised. Anyone who has ever engaged in survey research must have felt disconcerted when reading the questions in the consultation document. Some sounded as if they needed considerable analytical expertise (“Which of the following ways would be best, to give a picture of national well-being?”), while others merely sought personal opinions (“What things in life matter to you?”). So who were they really directed at?
Apart from the imprecision of the questions, it is not clear how the responses a researcher might have provided could be compared against those merely offering a personal view. Both are valuable responses, but they certainly need to be read differently. The answers, however, do not allow for these different groups to be separated. This suggests that it was the general public whose views were really sought, implying that somehow this “survey” might be a representative snapshot of the British people. That is not only naïve, but also violates basic standards of methodologically sound survey research.
But even if this problem did not arise, the answers from which respondents could choose did not allow for great insight. All the options for Question 5, for example, which asks about how the results of such a project might be used, refer to absolute uses of subjective well-being only.
That means that some person, some group of people or some region is happier than another one. The option of using well-being as an instrument to understand economic processes such as unemployment or health-related issues, which many researchers do, is not even offered as a possibility. Instead, absolute measures of well-being seem to be suggested as the intended outcome, quite contrary to the open approach claimed for the consultation. Such measures would, of course, allow one area to be ranked against another, creating happiness “league tables” for the regions of the UK.
The working paper published by the ONS implies the same conclusion: that direct comparisons of geographic areas are a core focus. Simple correlative relationships are presented, neglecting a decade of research that cautions against assuming that any findings in well-being research are causal. But none of that research is cited in the report anywhere. Instead it seems that the “happiest country in the world” accolades that have been awarded in the past to such different societies as Costa Rica, Bangladesh and Denmark are now going to be applied to regions in the UK. Most researchers agree that such rankings are meaningless. The values of these subjective measures cannot be compared in an intelligent way, because happiness is constituted differently in different places.
Besides that, there are also empirical grounds to question the project. A simple analysis of data from the British Household Panel Survey, which asks questions about subjective happiness across 34 different regions of the UK, reveals a breath-taking result: there is no variation! Satisfaction with life, as it is measured currently, does not seem to vary geographically at all, but simply between individuals according to their personal socio-economic characteristics.
Of course such an analysis is very simple – a different, more disaggregated breakdown might reveal different results – but it raises a very significant question: why does the ONS report not investigate whether there is any variation in subjective well-being with the measures currently available, so as to identify at what level of measurement effects might be discernible, and where they might not?
ONS might counter that the new measures will of course be better, more extensive and deeper – the whole point of this project. But if you had the chance to go to one of the public discussion events, such as the one held in Manchester in April, you would not have your hopes raised. After some critical concerns were raised by the audience, the panel presented four questions that will be part of the new survey. This was while the consultation was still going on. So the openness of the process seems to have been prejudiced by predefined notions of its outcome, even before it had finished.
Is this a complete surprise? Not at all: David Cameron first talked about a “Happiness Index” back in 2005, and in 2008 the Conservatives commissioned several think tanks to investigate how subjective well-being might be measured as a counter-weight to economic measures.
And as the announcement of the project was preceded by the announcement of gigantic budget cuts, it may not be too far-fetched to see the ONS happiness project as a comforting discourse at a time when many people face reductions in their material well-being. Is this project aiming to provide the evidence upon which “money alone does not buy happiness” can be rewritten to read “you do not need money to be happy”?
If so, it’s a shame, because measuring well-being is a meaningful activity, and one to which many people devote a lot of time and effort. This project could have been a progressive step towards a methodologically better way of doing this that would have been considered by a wider audience and become part of informed policy debate.
Instead I would not be surprised to see rankings published listing in order the happiest regions in the UK (even when these regions do not show substantial differences in happiness). It will not be the poorest regions that will show the lowest levels of happiness, because the new index, according to Mr. Cameron, will include “all those things that make life worthwhile.”
Jan Eichhorn is a Doctoral Student at the School of Social and Political Science (Sociology) at the University of Edinburgh.
Paul Allin (not verified) wrote,
Thu, 19/05/2011 - 15:48
Jan flags some important issues but I think has also confused two different aspects of the ONS work.
The ONS programme is about devising measures of national well-being that include GDP but also go wider, to include quality of life,the environment and sustainability [1]. The challenge is to come up with measures that work as a current description of the well-being of the UK. Then taken over time, these will also allow us all to see 'how the UK is doing' in terms of progress more broadly than GDP per capita.
The first aspect of our programme was therefore the consultation, which was actually run more as a national debate, to help us understand what matters to people. This is to help us begin to identify and publish wider measures. Jil Matheson, the National Statistician, will be reporting back in July on what we've learned during the national debate, drawing on the public events, responses to the website and the material on measuring well-being that many experts, practitioners and research centres have kindly made available. The national debate was qualitative research and certainly not just a survey. The work to develop and further consult on wider measures will be conducted with the rigour that Jan rightly expects of national statistics.
The second aspect of our programme is the inclusion of questions to measure subjective well-being (people's own assessment of their well-being) as part of the ONS integrated household survey. We said from the start of the programme that we saw this as part of the wider measurement of national well-being. For example, this is in line with the Stiglitz recommendations for national statistical offices to publish objective and subjective measures [2]. Our work on this is experimental. The questions we are currently using and the rationale were published in February in our spotlight on subjective well-being [3]. How the subjective well-being data should be analysed and presented are things we continue to seek advice on [eg 4], crucially so that we meet public and policy needs for these data.
Measuring national well-being is a long-term programme that will move through a number of phases. We will continue to consult and engage fully on all we do, so that users, whether experts or members of the public, can help us shape proposed new measures.
Paul Allin is director of the measuring national well-being programme at the Office for National Statistics
Links:
[1] http://www.ons.gov.uk/well-being
[2] http://www.stiglitz-sen-fitoussi.fr/documents/rapport_anglais.pdf
[3] http://www.statistics.gov.uk/socialtrends/stspotlight/
[4] http://www.ons.gov.uk/well-being/technical-advisory-group/index.html
Jan Eichhorn (not verified) wrote,
Tue, 31/05/2011 - 16:06
Dear Paul,
thank you very much for your time and writing this reply pointing to several substantial points. While I appreciate the comments you made, in particular about the points regarding the thoroughness of the work the ONS is doing, there are several points of my previous critique that are not addressed by these comments.
The consultation is not simply a survey and did indeed comprise of a multitude of instruments to explore notions about well-being. However, that does not counter the doubts raised about the ability of the instruments chosen to successfully address the question of "what matters to people." Labelling the process as exploratory and qualitative does not mean that the questions asked do automatically function in the way they need to if the goals are to be met.
On the written consultation questionnaire the blurring between questions that address issues from a personal or from an externally, evaluative perspective is one of these issues. Similarly not having answer options explicitly suggesting an instrumental or contextual focus on well-being, rather than an absolute, scoring one, clearly delimits what people could chose as being something that matters to them - and that limits "experts" when responding in highlighting which fields may be relevant in up-to-date practice in the field [1].
Regarding the actual measures for future surveys, the problem of the initial framing is also not fully addressed by the response here. The working paper published as the foundation for this project does not consider contextual factors for assessing subjective well-being in any way properly - although this is crucial if one wants to actually understand the influence of particular individual-level influences on life-satisfaction (i.e. moving beyond mere correlative approaches that may only show spurious relationships) [2].
It also does not address at all whether comparisons between regional or local groupings are meaningful at all - but refers to such uses of the measure repeatedly and offers it as an option in the consultation - when asked in one of the public consultation meetings about this (I am referring to the one held in Manchester) by several people, no direct answer was given. The feasibility of such comparisons needs to made before they are conducted or before it may suggested that they will be conducted in such a way. This should be an integral part of the consultation process - but has not been so far.
I am very much looking forward to reading the report coming out of the consultation and hope that some of the concerns raised here and by others at other places will be helpful in developing this project positively.
Best wishes,
Jan Eichhorn
[1] Because of space limitations these issues were not discussed in more detail here, but have been in a document written and submitted within the consultation process. The document is available if requested.
[2] An example for this from a small work I conducted is a paper on religiosity and life-satisfaction, showing that it is probably not actually individual religiosity that affects life-satisfaction, but its congruence with the cultural norms. The paper is available through the journal European Sociological Review: http://esr.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2011/04/20/esr.jcr027.abstract